Alternative Fictions: The New Lost Cause in the Post-Civil Rights Era

“What if the South Won the Civil War?” Answers to this question reflect shifts in collective memory as authors use artistic license to reframe the real-world past.^[1] Mackinlay Kantor’s answer in 1960 signaled the impending shift in the Lost Cause ideology within an emerging cultural landscape that was being reshaped by the Civil Rights Movement. Though slavery is still not the cause of Kantor’s Civil War, the South ends the practice to keep pace with other nations. By the mid-twentieth century, growing numbers of southerners still could not admit to fighting for slavery and maintained that the peculiar institution was far more humane than abolitionists claimed, but also were uncomfortable celebrating a South that upheld the system. The most recent generations of “alt histories” of the war serve as a barometer of the Lost Cause’s new place in the post-Civil Rights cultural landscape, tracing hidden truths authors buried beneath the surface of history. Harry Turtledove’s The Guns of the South (1992), Howard Ray White’s The Trilogy (2018) both use a post-Civil Rights era version of the Lost Cause, but have markedly different memories of the past. Turtledove wrote in the Lost Cause style most historians refer to in studies of modern memory. White’s narrative reflects a variant of the Lost Cause that emerged in the 1990s and early 2000s that warrants its own label, the New Lost Cause.

 

Harry Turtledove’s The Guns of the South (1992) highlights how deeply entrenched the Lost Cause remains in the white American psyche even amongst more progressive thinkers in the post-Civil Rights-era. Guns of the South rejects aspects of the Lost Cause. Slavery is depicted as cruel an immoral and is the outright cause for secession. Even so, Turtledove falls into the Lost Cause mythos of the southern gentlemen and frequently romanticizes Confederate leaders, especially Robert E. Lee. Lee becomes the second Confederate president and begins the process of abolition. In one scene, Lee visits wounded Union soldiers. A man asks Lee if he came “to gloat,” but another defends Lee, saying, “Come on, Joe, you know he ain’t that way.” Lee confirms that he “came to see brave men.”^[2] Thomas Mallon explains how Turtledove used Lee as “a sort of Mandela” figure, implying race tensions would have eased sooner under a gradual emancipation platform than our world’s Reconstruction.^[3] David Blight’s theory of white America achieving social reconciliation by agreeing to honor the bravery of both sides and ignore the role of slavery shines through even as Turtledove blames slavery for the war.^[4] This is the power of the Lost Cause: even when denying states’ rights as the war’s cause, white memory clings to Reconciliation and forgiveness to the point of distorting the truth.^[5]

Guns reflects the growing international scope of white nationalist movements. Twenty-first-century South Africans bring AK-47s to the Confederacy to help establish the South as a white supremacist nation, hoping to prevent the collapse of Apartheid in South Africa in the 1990s. Turtledove foreshadowed the growing international connections between white supremacists. The late twentieth-century’s revolution in personal computing and internet access allowed white supremacists around the world to share ideas online.[6] The Lost Cause and Confederate symbols can be found in many foreign and domestic forums today not just as a white supremacist symbol, but a generalized stance against a multicultural liberal consensus.”^[7] Over the past two decades, online white identitarians have increasingly embraced the Confederate flag to the exclusion of more incendiary symbols like the Swastika, which is more likely to be banned by most websites’ rules of conduct.^[8] The Afrikaners who time-traveled from 2014 to 1864 hoped that saving the Confederacy would strengthen the white supremacist movement in the 21^st century. Post-Civil Rights Movement, American white supremacist organizations that had formerly been at odds, such as the Klan and Neo-Nazis, began working together as they lost political power, and the internet allowed like-minded white supremacists from around the world to commiserate and plan together.[9]

This post-Civil Rights era moment of cultural reinvention created what I call the “New Lost Cause.” Formed in the wake of the late twentieth-century white power movements, the New Lost Cause was part of growing international white supremacist movement that foreshadowed the rise of the alt-right. Post Civil Rights-era literary works in the New Lost Cause use much of the classic Lost Cause mythos but are broader and more flexible in their historical details.

 

For example, the preposterously titled The CSA Trilogy: An Alternate History/Historical Novel about Our Vast and Beautiful Confederate States of America — A Happy Story in Three Parts of What Might Have Been — 1861 to 2011 has a New Lost Cause memory of the war that has proven useful to the alt-right.^[10] Since the 1990s, the Neo-Confederate movement has created a more masculine version of the Lost Cause that works to apply to politics well beyond race. The book is broken into three parts, covering the CSA’s acquisition of new territory and political development through 2011, which White presents as historically possible, claiming even the fictional details are based on sound evidence and reasoning.

The New Lost Cause gives white supremacists a mythos that frames whites as victims of the politically correct and anyone left of center as Communist demagogues. The CSA Trilogy, in which racism only exists in the US rump state, declares the South could have avoided the unpleasantness of the Civil Rights Movement if it had been allowed to self-direct its policies. Nearly every character states their precise racial background, by percentage, upon introduction. In White’s world, blood quantums still matter, but the CSA is still more racially diverse than the “woke” liberals of the North claim to be. Thus far, The CSA Trilogy is bizarre, but still within the Lost Cause narrative that the North caused more race tensions than it solved through the war and Reconstruction.

White’s New Lost Cause coopts progressive language to make white supremacist ideas sound more palatable to those on the fringes of the alt-right and offers a semblance of cover from accusations about white supremacy. For example, “diversity” is literally the CSA’s national anthem, but its meaning is unconventional. For White, diversity “does not mean diverse cultural behaviors” nor does it “mean political agitators can desecrate the monuments erected to Confederate heroes.” Everyone speaks English and follows white customs; assimilation to the dominant culture is critical in this white supremacist utopia.^[11] In the modern CSA of 2011, Trumpism and the alt-right have crept in. The mainland country is protected by a “national fence” built by undocumented immigrants, and there is little environmental regulation, limited voting rights, and few labor unions. The immigration policy in White’s idealized Confederacy ensures the population is always at least seventy percent white, reflecting the common critique from the right that too much immigration from the wrong sort of places will destroy the country. Some of these ideas are familiar: the Lost Cause has always aimed to limit the voting rights of African Americans, the dislike of labor unions makes sense for those who wanted to control others’ labor, and it is no secret that the Lost Cause favors whiteness. The New Lost Cause uses almost all of the original Lost Cause, but adds to it by emphasizing cultural assimilation, disregarding environmental regulations, and demanding stringent border control. The alt-right can more easily adapt the New Lost Cause to the current political landscape than the original Lost Cause.^[12]

Like the founders of the Lost Cause, who created a new history for political purposes, the New Lost Cause is being written by people who know the real history, but want to create a more politically useful story.^[13] By using obviously fictitious elements, Clark makes the true parts of his story stand out: readers see slavery in all its gory detail and are reminded that progress is not guaranteed. In The CSA Trilogy, White presents fiction as the truth, and then gives readers a second fiction as a possibility. But those lies compound to create a frightening picture rather than an aspirational one. The changing landscape of alternative histories shows how much American memories of the Civil War have metamorphosed between the war’s end and today. Emancipationist memory still emphasizes freedom, but also the lack thereof. The Lost Cause and now the New Lost Cause emphasize political utility and have mutated themselves to remain culturally relevant and rhetorically powerful.

 

 

[1] Kathleen Singles, Alternate History : Playing with Contingency and Necessity. Vol. 5. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=39ca3bdf-e949-3f9b-bb91-3f70e62306ea.; Gavriel Rosenfeld, “Why Do We Ask ‘What If?’ Reflections on the Function of Alternate History.” History and Theory 41, no. 4 (2002): 90–103. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3590670.

[2] Harry Turtledove, The Guns of the South. Ballantine, 1992. 192.

[3] “South Africa scraps legal foundation for apartheid system.” UN Chronicle, September 1991, 29+. Gale In Context: Biography. https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A11547537/BIC?u=tulane&sid=bookmark-BIC&xid=7e2de43c.; Thomas Mallon, “Never Happened.” The New Yorker, November 13, 2011. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/11/21/never-happened.

[4] Subsequent works, such as Brian Jordan’s Marching Home, have suggested Blight’s emphasis on Blue-Grey reunions overstates the degree of white veterans’ reconciliation, or that the theory only describes white male reconciliation, in the case of Caroline Janney’s Remembering the Civil War. Even so, Blight’s central argument that white Unionists agreed to tolerate the Lost Cause narrative of the war and to downplay the role of slavery holds firm. David Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2001.; Brian Matthew Jordan, Marching Home: Union Veterans and Their Unending Civil War. 1st ed. Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 2015.; Caroline E. Janney, Remembering the Civil War. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013.

[5] Turtledove is not the only author to point to slavery as the cause and still be influenced by the Lost Cause. The Lost Cause permeates even Dread Nation (2018) and its sequel Deathless Divide (2020) by Justina Ireland, which are otherwise Emancipationist stories. The duology imagines a world where the dead suddenly come to life at Gettysburg. Ireland tackles the complexities of relative freedom, colorism, and the ability to pass for white. Emancipation and all its nuances are at the heart of both stories. Even so, there are instances where the main character unironically uses “the War of Northern aggression” or “the War between the States,” both of which are strongly associated with the Lost Cause.

[6] The trends towards digital forums accelerated in the 2000s and today most white nationalism and alt-right conversations happen online rather than in person. Kathleen Belew, Bring the War Home, White Power Movement and Paramilitary America. Harvard University Press, 2018. 12, 237; Beth E. Kolko, Lisa Nakamura, and Gilbert B. Rodman, eds. Race in Cyberspace. New York and London: Routledge, 2000. Alexandra Minna Stern, Proud Boys and the White Ethnostate. Beacon Press, 2019.

[7] Kathleen Belew, Bring the War Home, White Power Movement and Paramilitary America. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018. 238.

[8] For example, see: Margaret Crable, “Germany’s Strange Nostalgia for the Antebellum American South.” USC Dornsife, 31 Mar. 2021, https://dornsife.usc.edu/news/stories/germanys-nostalgia-antebellum-american-south/.

[9] Belew, Bring the War Home.

[10] Howard Ray White, The CSA Trilogy: An Alternate History/Historical Novel about Our Vast and Beautiful Confederate States of America — A Happy Story in Three Parts of What Might Have Been — 1861 to 2011, 2018.

[11] White, The CSA Trilogy. 146.

[12] White is not the only writer to challenge such issues from the standpoint of the New Lost Cause. Many others, usually connected to the Sons of Confederate Veterans or the League of the South, have used their narrative of the Civil War as the historical proof for their modern political beliefs. For examples, see: James Ronald Kennedy, and Walter Donald Kennedy. Yankee Empire: Aggressive Abroad and Despotic at Home. Columbia, South Carolina: Shotwell Publishing, 2021.; Paul C. Graham, Confederaphobia: An American Epidemic. Columbia, South Carolina: Shotwell Publishing, 2017.; Wilson, Clyde N. Annals of the Stupid Party: Republicans Before Trump. The Wilson Files 3. Columbia, So. Carolina: Shotwell Publishing LLC, 2016.

[13] Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.